Senator Natasha Akpoti-Udughan and the Marginalization of Women in Nigerian Politics — An Opinion by Toyin Falola
In 2023, numerous acts of disrespect have infiltrated Nigeria’s legislative bodies. Such behaviors extend far beyond mere ceremonial roles; instead, they symbolize profound contempt for transparent and answerable governance. However, my purpose here isn’t to enumerate all missteps taken by the Nigerian Senate. Rather, I aim to highlight a specific instance — the blatant mistreatment endured by Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. This incident goes well beyond individual misconduct toward a lone figure; it reflects broader attitudes towards female leaders. Considering how sensitive this issue can be, especially among men, I fully expect that many will challenge or outright ignore these concerns without much reflection.
Here’s an example – the clash between Senator Onyekachi Nwaebonyi and Mrs. Oby Ezekwesili. This unfortunate incident took place in an inappropriate environment; it seemed better suited for loud arguments on the street rather than within the formal confines of a Senate Committee hearing. Each party has accused the other, and Ezekwesili has faced criticism for instigating the whole affair from the start. Based on her account, one gets the sense that the hearing itself may not have had substantive objectives but felt obligatory instead. My main concern, however, revolves around the substance of Mr. Nwaebonyi’s objections towards the twice-minister and ex-vice president of the World Bank.
During an enraged interview with Channels TV’s Seun Okinbaloye, he declined to show regret for his behavior, instead restating the exact comments that initially rendered his statements inappropriate. From my perspective, criticizing someone based on their conduct is different from attacking them through demeaning remarks about their gender. Particularly regarding gender. In response to being called a dishonor to the Senate by the previous minister, Nwaebonyi countered with “you’re an affront to womanhood.” On Channels TV, he criticized her, mentioning she was a grandmother. Given we are now in the 21st century, it can reasonably be presumed that individuals within Nigeria’s political sphere understand concepts like ‘patriarchy’ and ‘diversity’.
These issues aren’t just terms within the vocabulary of politeness; they represent genuine challenges, with resolutions depending on lawmakers like Mr. Nwaebonyi who counts himself among them. Unfortunately, it seemed clear that he wasn’t concerned about—or perhaps didn’t realize—the complex landscape he had stepped into. One can wonder if it might’ve been preferable for him to criticize her credentials as well. Had this occurred, could we conclude that his mention of sex was merely an attempt to boost his standing, anticipating subservience? More importantly, how different would his approach have been if faced with a male adversary?
I encounter a troubling aspect in Mrs. Ezekwesili's assertion that her comment was merely an off-the-record standard procedure. An even more concerning element emerges from Nwaebonyi’s failure to recognize the intricate rules underpinning the petitioner’s decision, acting on behalf of Mrs. Akpoti-Uduaghan, not to continue presenting arguments before the committee. This neglect of fundamental due process rights implies that effective leadership for Nigerians remains unattainable.
To delve into the origins of this issue: Ezekwesili and Nwaebonyi probably wouldn’t have clashed so intensely were it not for Mrs Akpoti-Uduaghan’s conflict coming to light. For those familiar with the Senate’s activities over the years, the Kogi State senator’s ultimate suspension wasn’t the first instance where she found herself at odds with Godswill Akpabio. Back in July 2024, Mr Akpabio silenced her with the remark, “We are not in a nightclub.” Although his response to FCT Senatorial District Senator Ireti Kingibe regarding prayers for market fire victims may have seemed relatively mild, it nonetheless sparked criticism from detractors who view it as part of an ongoing trend of dismissive and demeaning statements towards women.
One could argue that Akpabio’s tendency towards impulsive speech is an issue. Previously, he has made remarks unrelated to gender that seemed off-the-cuff. Nonetheless, this argument loses strength upon closer examination of the specific comment. Referring to a “nightclub” as part of his rebuke suggests a more significant connection to the situation at hand than initially meets the eye. Regardless of whether we avoid reading too much into it, it remains inappropriate for him to address a fellow professional—especially one who shares similar electoral standing—in such terms.
In 2025, Akpoti-Uduaghan and Akpabio found themselves at odds over seating arrangements. As merely an observer, forming a clear stance on the seat changes proves challenging. During a televised broadcast, the Senate’s guidelines regarding the president's authority to assign seats and senators' obligation to voice their opinions solely from these designated spots were outlined. The Senate President stated that one reason for Akpoti-Uduaghan's reluctance appeared to stem from unfamiliarity with her newly appointed seat. Her defiant remarks suggested she felt neglected due to limited visibility during proceedings. However, considering how common such redistributions usually are within the Senate, little could initially justify her resistance. Nonetheless, further scrutiny reveals potential underlying factors worth noting.
We shouldn’t assume this process will consistently be carried out with genuine intentions. Were it otherwise, we wouldn’t see the coloring around Senate committee discussions about the topic, the blatant ignoring of court orders, nor the widespread reluctance among senators to criticize their leaders. These signs convey a troubling message—that the institution lacks credibility. Moreover, despite how sensitive it might be for me to comment favorably towards loyalty rooted in identity, I feel compelled to do so. This situation isn’t straightforward enough to confine our perspective solely through such filters. Senator Ireti Kingibe, paradoxically chairing the Senate Committee on Women’s Issues, has treaded cautiously in her responses. Meanwhile, Natasha’s publicly stated views suggest she may be downplaying her legal challenges against the Senate President.
Ms. Kingibe, one of just four females among the senate members in the Red Chamber, succumbed to public scrutiny and swiftly emphasized her efforts towards advocating for women’s rights through legislation. An intriguing aspect of this discussion is that Ms. Kingibe had recently faced opposition from the Senate President concerning a proposal to halt demolitions within the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). Following a walkout, she stated that it was unjust for the President to enforce standards he himself had previously waived. Therefore, the query arises as to why a woman senator, who has experienced professional mistreatment and holds an influential position in a male-dominated Senate, chose to moderate her responses so significantly.
The minimal requirement for addressing allegations of sexual harassment, similar to other offenses, is conducting a just and impartial investigation. Kingibe observed Akpabio’s flagrant neglect of due process during the proceedings where Akpoti-Uduaghan faced a six-month suspension. Despite possessing legal expertise, he mishandled the situation by allowing a senator to be barred from the Senate beyond the legally mandated period of two weeks. In the committee led by Imasien concerning ethics and public petitions, sub judice considerations were selectively applied solely when convenient to enforce inconsistent criteria; otherwise, they were disregarded. It has become evident that my nation seems fixated on garnering negative media attention.
The suspension of Mrs. Akpoti-Uduaghan has led to widespread attention from global media outlets and international organizations, highlighting the outrageous behavior of Akpabio. The recall effort in Kogi carries various negative implications. If this initiative emerged genuinely as a grassroots movement free from external manipulation, it underscores how deeply repugnant Nigerians find disruptions to traditional gender hierarchies. According to documents submitted to INEC, those advocating for the senator’s removal accused her of gross mismanagement, misuse of authority, bypassing proper procedures, and consistently deceptive actions. Furthermore, they criticized her for disgracing the residents of Kogi Central and damaging both “the reputation of the Nigerian Senate” and “national democratic bodies.”
These mechanisms represent the least informed grounds for recalling a senator. They would make sense if based on accusations of corruption, neglect of duties, and similar behaviors indicative of poor leadership. Indeed, some senators disregarded their commitment to those who voted them into office immediately after being elected. Additionally, many have treated public resources as personal entitlements during their time in office. Yet, where were the demands for recalls then? This situation highlights a lack of political awareness among Nigerians, suggesting that people often overlook significant issues when calling for a senator’s removal.
In places where sanity prevails, the bare minimum expected is a call for equity and adherence to proper procedures, even if only minimally so. I take a cautious stance in asserting that selecting an arbitrary group from those advocating for Akpoti-Uduaghan’s removal would likely expose their limited understanding of the complexities surrounding her suspension. Regardless, uncovering signs of misconduct within these proceedings wouldn’t come as much of a shock. Reducing this scenario to something simpler—seeing it merely as one individual opposing established norms in Nigerian politics—is overly reductionist. From every perspective, familiar patterns emerge, repeating the same narratives seen time and again. This recall effort stands as a formidable tool wielded by Nigeria’s influential politicians against anyone daring enough to defy them; similarly, imposing restrictive measures like the recent curfew in Kogi prior to her arrival serves as another example of such tactics.
Harshly, the message is starkly clear for young women considering politics: conform or face consequences. This sentiment is underscored by grim data highlighting the scarcity of opportunities available to women in politics. Such underrepresentation means that crucial decisions affecting demographics lack adequate input from affected groups. Notably, these demographic gaps aren’t trivial—they represent half of Nigeria’s populace. Currently, the Nigerian Senate consists of 26 male senators compared to just four female ones. If a woman legislator proposes gender-specific laws, she would likely encounter the perspectives of 104 men versus only three fellow women representatives. Similarly, among the 360 seats in the House of Representatives, merely 16 are held by women.
This statistic shows that only under 4 percent of senators and about 4.4 percent of representatives in the lower chamber are women, a situation reminiscent of the era before democracy, especially concerning the upper house. As reported by the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre in 2023, among Nigeria’s 36 State Houses of Assembly, 15 did not include any female legislators. Overall, across all states' legislative bodies which consist of around 993 seats, merely 50 positions—amounting to 5 percent—are held by women. Historically, the peak percentage of women involved in elected roles occurred in 2011 when they constituted 6.4 percent. In contrast, several African nations sharing similar cultures boast an average woman representation rate of approximately 23 percent continent-wide and 15 percent within Western Africa. These figures highlight that despite commitments from Nigerian leaders across different platforms aiming to enhance gender diversity in pivotal governmental posts, progress remains slow.
Alarming as it may be, we seldom encounter instances where the limited number of women appointed achieve significant breakthroughs within their respective domains. They exhibit hesitance when employing their responsibilities to improve conditions for the vast population of females. Nevertheless, this perspective can be perilous since it seems to fault women for failing to address their own challenges. I cannot fully concur with such an assertion. Instead, my stance centers less on gender and more on the caliber of individuals selected—or elected—to these positions.
For example, prior to the restructuring of the Tinubu administration, the Minister for Women’s Affairs at the time, Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye, recommended that women should behave as though they were foolish and remain silent during disagreements with their partners to prevent domestic abuse. Additionally, she withdrew her stance on organizing group marriages for underage girls who were survivors of bandit attacks in Niger State. In the initial situation, the previous minister essentially equated instances of gender-based violence solely with speaking out during disputes. This implication seemed to endorse an aggressive masculine standard, which could be controlled through quietness.
They didn’t just oppose things out of spite; they lacked the necessary refinement to handle the complexities involved in overseeing issues affecting women. In fact, their acceptance of early marriages might have been nothing more than a PR move from the start, missing genuine commitment for implementation. To properly frame the issue, most of Nigeria’s 22 million child brides live in the northern part of the country. Nearly half of these young girls get married before turning 15, rising to almost four-fifths by age 18. While numerous studies document the repercussions, efforts at reform remain inadequate. This situation presented an excellent chance to align actions with the goals of women's rights activists over time. However, those chosen or elected to leadership positions seldom embody feminist ideals—they merely serve political expediency.
Time is running out when it comes to including women in politics. Long before Nigeria gained independence, women actively resisted colonial influence in their daily lives and made significant sacrifices for this cause. Events like the Aba Women’s Revolt and the efforts of the Abeokuta Women's Union led by Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti highlight how strategically impactful women can be. These contributions remain crucial today. Beyond their recognized roles in farming and child-rearing, women represent a substantial segment with considerable political potential. Omitting them would severely undermine political goals. Unfortunately, they continue to face challenges such as inadequate education, political neglect, and limited economic opportunities. While NGOs play an important role in addressing inequalities, governments must move beyond stalling on essential gender-related laws and prioritize these issues nationally. They also need to stop trivializing women through token gestures labeled ‘empowerment.’ More substantive action begins with enacting unbiased legislation.
Toyin Falola A history professor, University Distinguished Teaching Professor, and holder of the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at The University of Texas at Austin, serves as the Bobapitan of Ibadanland.
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