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Decentralize Power or Face Stagnation: Dr. Fapohunda's Warning

Dr. Akin Fapohunda, a key figure within The Patriots group, serves as both the secretary for the Steering Committee of the Eminent Members Forum and the Secretary General of Atunto Organization—a think tank focused on issues related to the Yoruba people. As an advocate for restructuring, Dr. Fapohunda discusses these topics with Kunle Odemeri in this interview. They cover ongoing attempts to revise the 1999 constitution, initiatives led by members of The Patriots, and expectations regarding President Bola Tinubu’s influence over constitutional changes following a letter addressed to him concerning this issue. Highlights include:

Has the National Assembly introduced legislation aimed at modifying specific parts of the 1999 Constitution? Does this legislative move coincide with your views on reshaping the Nigerian federation, an idea you've strongly supported?

It's regrettable that our constitution resembles an extensively tattered fabric being patched in as many as 39 different spots. Can such a fragmented effort lead to positive outcomes? Currently, the House of Representatives has introduced 39 new proposed amendments, whereas senators haven’t presented any alternatives yet. Ultimately, this could result in anywhere from 60 to 100 amendments within the Constitution—a significant misuse of precious national resources and citizens' time. Instead, what Nigeria truly needs is a concise federal constitution consisting of less than 30 pages—something both accessible and easy for every citizen to understand and remember. A well-crafted document should fit into roughly 30 pages so everyone can grasp its contents effortlessly.

The initial Constitution was penned on four sizable sheets, utilizing approximately 4,500 words. With the inclusion of the 27 amendments added from 1776 onwards, this has expanded to around 7,500 words. When printed on compact paper, it amounts to merely a 36-page booklet. In contrast, the Nigerian Constitution comprises 320 articles spread across eight chapters, extending over nearly 400 pages. This extensive nature offers numerous opportunities for less experienced Senior Advocates of Nigeria to intimidate us citizens. Currently, the Supreme Court appears bewildered as it navigates through the complex directives laid out in the convoluted 1999 Constitution along with its cumbersome revisions.

New Alaafin states: 'The unity and prosperity of Yorubaland are my main concerns.' During the Ipebi rites, Alaafin Owoade selected igba oyin three times— Prof. Wande Abimbola confirmed this with his BSc, HND degrees. Dr. Abdul-Hameed, the Rector of Fed Poly Ayede, believes that parity will redirect Nigeria’s educational path.

A major element in your previous suggestions was for the nation to revert to the Westminster parliamentary system. This proposal has been put forward by the National Assembly as well. What are your thoughts on this shift?

This typically occurs when selective decisions are made about which aspects to retain or modify. It’s more fitting to conduct a comprehensive evaluation of our governance structure instead of merely altering provisions that appeal to certain legislators within NASS. Thus, has the revenue distribution formula been revised? Has action been taken regarding the winner-takes-all approach in elections? Have changes been proposed for the political party framework to ensure better-qualified candidates emerge? And what about the excessively long list of exclusive responsibilities assigned solely to Abuja?

In general terms and considering everything as a whole, what the National Assembly proposes remains unclear. Should we adopt the French approach, or perhaps follow the British example? However, when specific aspects are selectively modified without an overarching strategy, consistency and clarity suffer. Why not clearly state that our objective should be a federal structure featuring concurrent regional administrations within a decentralized system supported by a bicameral constitution? Additionally, include a provision for referendums to determine the preferences of different ethnic groups.

What do you believe is the role of President Bola Tinubu in all these matters?

Currently, the leader of the nation is President Bola Tinubu. Without clear directives from top management within an organization, employees may act as they please; ostensibly engaged but actually contributing little value over time. Similarly, without specific guidance from President Tinubu, the National Assembly remains uncertain about how to proceed. Ultimately, he will decide which reforms should move forward or be rejected outright. Treating Nigeria carelessly could lead to severe consequences. Ideally, President Tinubu should establish priorities by directing the Attorney General to draft legislation aimed at thoroughly revisiting the 1999 Constitution—making substantial amendments—and then submitting these proposals for public discussion outside parliamentary walls. Governance currently falls short in this area. However, decentralization and reducing administrative costs must also be addressed. Numerous issues require thorough examination. Recently, I composed a bill and sent a copy directly to the presidential office to emphasize the importance of taking Nigeria’s needs seriously.

Were you ultimately able to receive an answer regarding the letter you sent to President Tinubu?

Absolutely not! My plea to President Tinubu is that when so many prominent Nigerians voice concerns, they mustn’t be dismissed lightly. Eminent individuals such as Chief Emeka Anyaoku, Aare Afe Babalola (SAN), Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN), Chief Olisa Agbakoba (SAN), the late Chief FRA Williams, the late Professor Ben Nwabueze, the recently departed Chief Edwin Clark, and Chief Ayo Adebanjo have valuable insights worth immediate attention. These highly respected figures can clearly see that our nation faces significant issues. It would be inappropriate for any political official, regardless of their position—whose terms will inevitably end—to simply disregard their perspectives as though they were mere trash.

What could be the reason for the president seeming hesitant about comprehensive constitutional changes?

Allow me to commend the president for being an excellent individual; one shouldn't speculate about his intentions. However, I recall when prominent figures from The Patriots met with him last year, he stated that he prioritized economic issues over political matters. Adopting this perspective would lead the president into significant error since the core issue facing Nigeria isn't economics but rather politics at heart. I continue urging him to reassess promptly. Regardless of whatever rationale he may hold, these considerations mustn't outweigh those put forth by esteemed Nigerians I've referenced previously. It would behoove the president to dedicate some time to revisit and reflect upon "People’s Republic," authored by the revered statesman, Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

In 2014, the National Political Conference produced several comprehensive recommendations. Some individuals believe that if ex-President Goodluck Jonathan had enforced the report’s findings, those concerns might have been resolved. What are your thoughts on whether this document could address all the issues you’ve mentioned?

Urgency is key here. Implementing the report back in 2014 might have seemed relevant at the time, but much has changed since then. Eight years under President Muhammadu Buhari have steered the nation toward an unhealthy focus on ethnic self-determination. The fragile unity holding Nigeria together has eroded significantly due to his mismanagement. Any benefits outlined in the 2014 proposals have long since lapsed. Even if those plans were put into action during their proposed timeframe, by 2025 conditions have deteriorated so severely that revisiting the old ideas from 2014 seems futile. Now, a complete overhaul is necessary. Too many changes have occurred for anything less than radical reform to suffice. Given our current national debt surpasses N140 trillion, adding another 18 states isn’t feasible anymore. Moreover, the Oronsaye Report remains unimplemented. Today, we're dealing with more than 1,000 federal ministries, departments, and agencies.

As he prepared to leave office, former President Buhari transferred certain items—including railways and electricity—from theExclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent list. This move suggests that we may be moving toward a form of governmental decentralization.

The issue at hand goes beyond superficial alterations; it requires fundamental shifts. Can states struggling with implementing even basic wage standards realistically undertake large-scale power generation initiatives? These ventures demand substantial investments—dollars needed not just for building turbines but also laying extensive transmission networks among other expenses. Without restructuring governmental operations and reducing centralized authority, progress seems unlikely. To foster national development, current expenditures should be slashed drastically—from an overwhelming 80% to merely around 30%, freeing up funds essential for executing crucial infrastructure projects. As seen in 2024, where only a quarter of the intended federal capital spending occurred despite full utilization of recurring costs, addressing wasteful spending becomes imperative. This redirection would allow sufficient resources over the coming five, ten, or twenty years to focus on vital needs. Indeed, adopting multiyear planning frameworks could greatly aid these efforts as piecemeal approaches won’t suffice.

Do you think that a new constitution would tackle these types of violations that you've observed?

I’ll attribute the establishment of Regional Commissions to the National Assembly. This acknowledges that Nigeria requires a modular approach: since every region has distinct characteristics necessitating different management strategies. A constitution recognizing decentralized zones should empower each region with comprehensive governance authority. Regions ought to independently generate their revenues and support federal government expenses akin to members contributing dues to a club. It echoes what Late Sir Ahmadu Bello once stated; he wasn’t keen on "Lagos" as it existed then but preferred staying in Kaduna. Meanwhile, someone like (Sir Abubakar) Tafawa Balewa could handle national leadership from Lagos. The central administration should lose appeal. Indeed, President Tinubu might excel more as the Prime Minister of the Western Region due to his extensive knowledge of those areas compared to others parts of Nigeria. Clearly, Mr. Peter Obi would thrive leading the Eastern Region, while Mallam El Rufai fits best overseeing the Northwest, among others. Decentralization can drive beneficial rivalry and substantial progress nationwide. Even if policies fail at local execution levels, errors won't synchronize across all eight regions concurrently.

What aspects of this upheaval excite you? Also, what sort of changes were you hoping for to meet your expectations?

It’s not just my perspective; various organizations like The Patriots, the Eminent Elders Forum, The African Leadership Group, and numerous other entities share this viewpoint. Within the Western Region (Atunto) Organization, we firmly believe that establishing a Constituent Assembly should happen promptly. Indeed, each of these groups already possesses draft proposals aligning with ideas we’ve advocated for years. All that remains is consolidating these drafts, publishing them so they may undergo public discourse and ratification through a referendum. If accomplished within three months, we could enact a new constitutional law superseding the 1999 Constitution. Should we achieve this before year-end, it would mean the 2027 election follows under a fresh system wherein winning local constituency votes suffices for advancement toward higher positions. An individual who secures victory at the Local Government Area (LGA) constituency stage might directly ascend to Prime Minister status without additional expenditures. Campaigns spanning regions wouldn’t be necessary to attain leadership roles nor extensive national tours required for becoming Prime Minister. Consequently, tensions decrease along with manipulative tactics among contenders aiming for prominence. Funds amounting to over 100 million naira won’t be needed merely for securing candidacy papers. We hope for President Tinubu to heed this rational call. Over the coming half-year, he needs to lay solid groundwork ensuring posterity remembers him favorably.

What guidance would you offer President Tinubu concerning the agitations you're advocating for?

As a nation, our journey since 1999 has been marked by instability. There is an urgent necessity for Nigeria to implement significant reforms. The key issue at hand is ensuring peaceful coexistence among the 371 distinct ethnic groups through genuine progress and development initiatives. Future generations may judge harshly President Tinubu and other elected officials if they fail to prevent Nigeria from drifting aimlessly toward another critical juncture in 2027 without meaningful change. Conversely, history could remember him as the architect who led Nigeria into a new era of reform. Despite his respected position within Nigerian politics, President Tinubu’s notable associates must collaborate closely with various civic organizations and community leaders nationwide to draft legislation aimed at replacing the outdated 1999 Constitution. This process should begin promptly. Now is the moment to explore where true authority resides within the Nigerian populace.

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Decentralize Power or Face Stagnation: Dr. Fapohunda's Warning Decentralize Power or Face Stagnation: Dr. Fapohunda's Warning Reviewed by Diwida on April 08, 2025 Rating: 5
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